The Greeks Became Literate Again During the 9th Century Bce by Adopting

Athenian statesman and lawgiver (c. 630 – c. 560 BC)

Solon
Σόλων
Bosom of Solon, copy from a Greek original (c.  110 BC) from the Farnese Collection, now at the National Archaeological Museum, Naples
Born	c.   630 BC Athens
Died	c.   560 BC (aged approximately seventy) Cyprus
Occupation	Statesman, lawmaker, poet

Solon (Greek: Σόλων ; c.  630 – c. 560 BC)^[1] was an Athenian statesman, lawmaker and poet. He is remembered peculiarly for his efforts to legislate against political, economic and moral decline in archaic Athens.^[two] His reforms failed in the short term, even so he is often credited with having laid the foundations for Athenian democracy.^{[3] [4] [5]} He wrote poetry for pleasure, as patriotic propaganda, and in defense force of his constitutional reform.

Modern knowledge of Solon is express by the fact that his works merely survive in fragments and announced to feature interpolations past later authors and past the full general paucity of documentary and archaeological evidence covering Athens in the early on 6th century BC.^[6] Ancient authors such every bit Philo of Alexandria,^[7] Herodotus, and Plutarch are the main sources, simply wrote about Solon long after his expiry. Fourth-century BC orators, such equally Aeschines, tended to attribute to Solon all the laws of their own, much later times.^{[2] [8]}

Life [edit]

Solon was born in Athens effectually 630 BC.^[1] His family unit was distinguished in Attica as they belonged to a noble or Eupatrid clan.^[ix] Solon's begetter was probably Execestides. If so, his lineage could exist traced dorsum to Codrus, the last Rex of Athens.^[ten] Co-ordinate to Diogenes Laërtius, he had a brother named Dropides, who was an antecedent (six generations removed) of Plato.^[eleven] According to Plutarch, Solon was related to the tyrant Pisistratus, for their mothers were cousins.^[12] Solon was eventually drawn into the unaristocratic pursuit of commerce.^[thirteen]

"Solon demands to pledge respect for his laws", book illustration (Augsburg 1832)

When Athens and Megara were battling the possession of Salamis, Solon was made leader of the Athenian forces. After repeated disasters, Solon was able to improve the morale of his troops through a verse form he wrote about the island. Supported past Pisistratus, he defeated the Megarians either by means of a cunning fox^[14] or more than straight through heroic battle around 595 BC.^[15] The Megarians, even so, refused to surrender their claim. The dispute was referred to the Spartans, who eventually awarded possession of the isle to Athens on the strength of the case that Solon put to them.^[xvi]

According to Diogenes Laertius, in 594 BC, Solon was chosen archon, or chief magistrate.^[17] As archon, Solon discussed his intended reforms with some friends. Knowing that he was about to cancel all debts, these friends took out loans and promptly bought some land. Suspected of complicity, Solon complied with his ain law and released his own debtors, amounting to five talents (or 15 co-ordinate to some sources). His friends never repaid their debts.^[eighteen]

After he had finished his reforms, he travelled away for ten years, so that the Athenians could not induce him to repeal any of his laws.^[19] His outset stop was Egypt. There, according to Herodotus, he visited the Pharaoh of Egypt, Amasis II.^[20] Co-ordinate to Plutarch, he spent some time and discussed philosophy with two Egyptian priests, Psenophis of Heliopolis and Sonchis of Sais.^[21] A character in two of Plato's dialogues, Timaeus and Critias, claims Solon visited Neith's temple at Sais and received from the priests at that place an account of the history of Atlantis. Next, Solon sailed to Cyprus, where he oversaw the construction of a new capital letter for a local rex, in gratitude for which the king named it Soloi.^[21]

Solon's travels finally brought him to Sardis, capital of Lydia. According to Herodotus and Plutarch, he met with Croesus and gave the Lydian king advice, which Croesus failed to capeesh until it was besides belatedly. Croesus had considered himself to be the happiest man alive and Solon had brash him, "Count no homo happy until he be dead." The reasoning was that at any minute, fortune might plough on even the happiest man and make his life miserable. It was only subsequently he had lost his kingdom to the Persian male monarch Cyrus, while awaiting execution, that Croesus acknowledged the wisdom of Solon'due south advice.^{[22] [23]}

Subsequently his return to Athens, Solon became a staunch opponent of Pisistratus. In protestation, and as an example to others, Solon stood outside his ain home in full armour, urging all who passed to resist the machinations of the would-exist tyrant. His efforts were in vain. Solon died soon later Pisistratus usurped by force the autocratic ability that Athens had one time freely bestowed upon him.^[24] Solon died in Cyprus at the age of fourscore^{[ citation needed ]} and, in accordance with his will, his ashes were scattered around Salamis, the island where he was born.^{[25] [26]}

Pausanias listed Solon among the Seven Sages, whose aphorisms adorned Apollo'southward temple in Delphi.^[27] Stobaeus in the Florilegium relates a story nearly a symposium where Solon's young nephew was singing a poem of Sappho'south: Solon, upon hearing the vocal, asked the boy to teach him to sing it. When someone asked, "Why should you waste material your fourth dimension on it?", Solon replied, " ἵνα μαθὼν αὐτὸ ἀποθάνω ", "Then that I may acquire it before I die."^[28] Ammianus Marcellinus, withal, told a similar story about Socrates and the poet Stesichorus, quoting the philosopher'due south rapture in almost identical terms: ut aliquid sciens amplius e vita discedam,^[29] pregnant "in order to leave life knowing a picayune more".

Historical setting [edit]

"Solon, the wise lawgiver of Athens", analogy by Walter Crane, from The Story of Greece, told to boys and girls, by Mary Macgregor (1910s)

During Solon'south time, many Greek metropolis-states had seen the emergence of tyrants, opportunistic noblemen who had taken power on behalf of sectional interests. In Sicyon, Cleisthenes had usurped power on behalf of an Ionian minority. In Megara, Theagenes had come to power as an enemy of the local oligarchs. The son-in-law of Theagenes, an Athenian nobleman named Cylon, made an unsuccessful endeavour to seize power in Athens in 632 BC. Solon was described past Plutarch equally having been temporarily awarded autocratic powers by Athenian citizens on the grounds that he had the wisdom to sort out their differences for them in a peaceful and equitable manner.^[30] According to ancient sources,^{[31] [32]} he obtained these powers when he was elected eponymous archon (594/3 BC). Some modern scholars believe these powers were in fact granted some years after Solon had been archon, when he would have been a member of the Areopagus and probably a more respected statesman by his peers.^{[33] [34] [35]}

The social and political upheavals that characterized Athens in Solon's fourth dimension have been variously interpreted past historians from ancient times to the present day. 2 contemporary historians have identified three singled-out historical accounts of Solon's Athens, emphasizing quite dissimilar rivalries: economical and ideological rivalry, regional rivalry and rivalry between aristocratic clans.^{[36] [37]} These different accounts provide a convenient basis for an overview of the issues involved.

• Economic and ideological rivalry is a mutual theme in ancient sources. This sort of account emerges from Solon'southward poems, in which he casts himself in the office of a noble mediator betwixt 2 intemperate and unruly factions. This same account is substantially taken up near iii centuries subsequently by the author of the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia but with an interesting variation:
  "...there was conflict between the nobles and the common people for an extended period. For the constitution they were under was oligarchic in every respect and especially in that the poor, along with their wives and children, were in slavery to the rich...All the land was in the hands of a few. And if men did not pay their rents, they themselves and their children were liable to be seized as slaves. The security for all loans was the debtor's prison upwardly to the time of Solon. He was the first people's champion."^[38]
  Here Solon is presented equally a partisan in a democratic cause whereas, judged from the viewpoint of his own poems, he was instead a mediator between rival factions. A still more significant variation in the ancient historical account appears in the writing of Plutarch in the belatedly 1st – early second century AD:
  "Athens was torn by recurrent conflict nearly the constitution. The metropolis was divided into as many parties equally there were geographical divisions in its territory. For the political party of the people of the hills was about in favour of democracy, that of the people of the manifestly was most in favour of oligarchy, while the 3rd group, the people of the declension, which preferred a mixed form of constitution somewhat betwixt the other ii, formed an obstacle and prevented the other groups from gaining control."^[39]
• Regional rivalry is a theme commonly constitute among modern scholars.^{[40] [41] [42] [43]}
  "The new picture which emerged was ane of strife between regional groups, united by local loyalties and led past wealthy landowners. Their goal was control of the cardinal government at Athens and with information technology dominance over their rivals from other districts of Attika."^[44]
  Regional factionalism was inevitable in a relatively large territory such as Athens possessed. In most Greek city states, a farmer could conveniently reside in town and travel to and from his fields every twenty-four hour period. Co-ordinate to Thucydides, on the other hand, most Athenians continued to live in rural settlements correct up until the Peloponnesian War.^[45] The furnishings of regionalism in a big territory could be seen in Laconia, where Sparta had gained control through intimidation and resettlement of some of its neighbours and enslavement of the rest. Attika in Solon's fourth dimension seemed to be moving towards a similarly ugly solution with many citizens in danger of being reduced to the condition of helots.^[46]
• Rivalry betwixt clans is a theme recently developed by some scholars, based on an appreciation of the political significance of kinship groupings.^{[44] [47] [48] [49] [50] [51]} According to this account, bonds of kinship rather than local loyalties were the decisive influence on events in primitive Athens. An Athenian belonged not only to a phyle or tribe and i of its subdivisions, the phratry or brotherhood, simply also to an extended family, clan or genos. It has been argued that these interconnecting units of kinship reinforced a hierarchic construction with aloof clans at the superlative.^{[36] [37]} Thus rivalries betwixt aristocratic clans could appoint all levels of society irrespective of whatever regional ties. In that example, the struggle between rich and poor was the struggle between powerful aristocrats and the weaker affiliates of their rivals or perhaps even with their ain rebellious affiliates.

The historical account of Solon'south Athens has evolved over many centuries into a set of contradictory stories or a complex story that might be interpreted in a variety of means. As further evidence accumulates, and every bit historians go on to debate the problems, Solon'south motivations and the intentions behind his reforms volition continue to attract speculation.^[52]

Solon's reforms [edit]

Solon'due south laws were inscribed on large wooden slabs or cylinders attached to a serial of axles that stood upright in the Prytaneion.^{[53] [54]} These axones announced to take operated on the same principle every bit a turntable, allowing both convenient storage and ease of access. Originally the axones recorded laws enacted by Draco in the tardily 7th century (traditionally 621 BC). Cypher of Draco'southward codified has survived except for a law relating to homicide, yet there is consensus amongst scholars that it did non amount to anything like a constitution.^{[55] [56]} Solon repealed all Draco'due south laws except those relating to homicide.^[57] During his visit to Athens, Pausanias, the 2nd century Advert geographer reported that the inscribed laws of Solon were nonetheless displayed by the Prytaneion.^[58] Fragments of the axones were withal visible in Plutarch's time^[59] simply today the only records we take of Solon'due south laws are bitty quotes and comments in literary sources such as those written by Plutarch himself. Moreover, the language of his laws was archaic even by the standards of the fifth century and this caused interpretation bug for ancient commentators.^[60] Modern scholars doubtfulness the reliability of these sources and our noesis of Solon'due south legislation is therefore actually very express in its details.^{[ commendation needed ]}

Mostly, Solon'southward reforms appear to have been constitutional, economical and moral in their scope. This distinction, though somewhat artificial, does at to the lowest degree provide a convenient framework within which to consider the laws that have been attributed to Solon. Some short-term consequences of his reforms are considered at the cease of the department.

Constitutional reform [edit]

The Areopagus, equally viewed from the Acropolis, is a monolith where Athenian aristocrats decided important matters of state during Solon's fourth dimension.

Before Solon's reforms, the Athenian state was administered past nine archons appointed or elected annually by the Areopagus on the basis of noble birth and wealth.^{[61] [62]} The Areopagus comprised sometime archons and information technology therefore had, in addition to the power of engagement, extraordinary influence as a consultative torso. The nine archons took the oath of office while ceremonially standing on a stone in the agora, declaring their readiness to dedicate a golden statue if they should ever be plant to have violated the laws.^{[63] [64]} There was an assembly of Athenian citizens (the Ekklesia) but the lowest grade (the Thetes) was non admitted and its deliberative procedures were controlled past the nobles.^[65] There therefore seemed to exist no means by which an archon could exist called to account for breach of oath unless the Areopagus favoured his prosecution.

Co-ordinate to the Athenian Constitution, Solon legislated for all citizens to be admitted into the Ekklesia^[66] and for a court (the Heliaia) to exist formed from all the citizens.^[67] The Heliaia appears to have been the Ekklesia, or some representative portion of it, sitting equally a jury.^{[68] [69]} By giving common people the power not only to elect officials but as well to call them to account, Solon appears to take established the foundations of a true republic. Some scholars take doubted whether Solon actually included the Thetes in the Ekklesia, this being considered also bold a move for any blueblood in the primitive period.^[70] Ancient sources^{[71] [72]} credit Solon with the creation of a Council of 4 Hundred, fatigued from the four Athenian tribes to serve every bit a steering commission for the enlarged Ekklesia. Nonetheless, many modern scholars have doubted this besides.^{[73] [74]}

At that place is consensus among scholars that Solon lowered the requirements – those that existed in terms of financial and social qualifications – which practical to election to public office. The Solonian constitution divided citizens into iv political classes defined according to assessable property^{[66] [75]} a classification that might previously have served the state for armed forces or tax purposes only.^[76] The standard unit for this assessment was one medimnos (approximately 12 gallons) of cereals and nonetheless the kind of classification set out beneath might be considered as well simplistic to be historically accurate.^[77]

• Pentakosiomedimnoi
  • valued at 500 medimnoi or more than of cereals annually.
  • eligible to serve as strategoi (generals or military governors)
• Hippeis
  • valued at 300 medimnoi or more annually.
  • approximating to the medieval class of knights, they had enough wealth to equip themselves for the cavalry
• Zeugitai
  • valued at a 200 medimnoi or more annually.
  • approximating to the medieval class of Yeoman, they had plenty wealth to equip themselves for the infantry (Hoplite)
• Thetes
  • valued up to 199 medimnoi annually or less
  • manual workers or sharecroppers, they served voluntarily in the role of personal retainer, or as auxiliaries armed for example with the sling or every bit rowers in the navy.

According to the Athenian Constitution, just the pentakosiomedimnoi were eligible for election to high function every bit archons and therefore only they gained admission into the Areopagus.^[78] A modernistic view affords the aforementioned privilege to the hippeis.^[79] The height three classes were eligible for a variety of lesser posts and merely the thetes were excluded from all public office.

Depending on how we interpret the historical facts known to united states, Solon's constitutional reforms were either a radical anticipation of democratic government, or they but provided a plutocratic flavour to a stubbornly aristocratic regime, or else the truth lies somewhere between these two extremes.^[a]

Economic reform [edit]

Solon's economic reforms need to be understood in the context of the archaic, subsistence economic system that prevailed both before and after his time. Most Athenians were nonetheless living in rural settlements right upwards to the Peloponnesian War.^[80] Opportunities for merchandise even within the Athenian borders were limited. The typical farming family, even in classical times, barely produced enough to satisfy its own needs.^[81] Opportunities for international trade were minimal. It has been estimated that, even in Roman times, goods rose twoscore% in value for every 100 miles they were carried over land, but merely 1.iii% for the same distance were they carried by transport^[82] and yet there is no evidence that Athens possessed any merchant ships until around 525 BC.^[83] Until then, the narrow warship doubled as a cargo vessel. Athens, like other Greek city states in the seventh century BC, was faced with increasing population pressures^[84] and past about 525 BC it was able to feed itself only in 'good years'.^[85]

Solon'south reforms can thus be seen to have taken place at a crucial period of economic transition, when a subsistence rural economy increasingly required the back up of a nascent commercial sector. The specific economic reforms credited to Solon are these:

The Croeseid, one of the earliest known coins. Information technology was minted in the early 6th century BC in Lydia. Coins such equally this might have fabricated their way to Athens in Solon's time but it is unlikely that Athens had its own coinage at this period.

The earliest coinage of Athens, c.  545–515 BC

• Fathers were encouraged to find trades for their sons; if they did not, in that location would exist no legal requirement for sons to maintain their fathers in old age.^[86]
• Foreign tradesmen were encouraged to settle in Athens; those who did would be granted citizenship, provided they brought their families with them.^[87]
• Tillage of olives was encouraged; the export of all other fruits was prohibited.^[88]
• Competitiveness of Athenian commerce was promoted through revision of weights and measures, possibly based on successful standards already in apply elsewhere, such as Aegina or Euboia^{[89] [90]} or, according to the ancient account merely unsupported by mod scholarship, Argos.^[91]

It is generally assumed, on the authorisation of aboriginal commentators^{[91] [92]} that Solon also reformed the Athenian coinage. Even so, contempo numismatic studies now lead to the decision that Athens probably had no coinage until around 560 BC, well after Solon's reforms.^[93] Nevertheless, at that place are now reasons to propose^[94] that monetization had already begun before Solon's reforms. By early sixth century the Athenians were using silver in the grade of a variety of bullion silvery pieces for monetary payments.^[95] Drachma and obol as a term of bullion value had already been adopted, although the corresponding standard weights were probably unstable.^[96]

Solon's economic reforms succeeded in stimulating foreign merchandise. Athenian black-figure pottery was exported in increasing quantities and adept quality throughout the Aegean betwixt 600 BC and 560 BC, a success story that coincided with a decline in trade in Corinthian pottery.^[97] The ban on the export of grain might be understood as a relief measure for the benefit of the poor. However, the encouragement of olive production for export could actually have led to increased hardship for many Athenians to the extent that it led to a reduction in the amount of land dedicated to grain. Moreover, an olive produces no fruit for the start six years^[98] (but farmers' difficulty of lasting until payback may as well give rise to a mercantilist argument in favour of supporting them through that, since the British case illustrates that "I domestic policy that had a lasting impact was the conversion of 'waste lands' to agricultural utilise. Mercantilists felt that to maximize a nation's power all country and resource had to exist used to their utmost..."). The real motives behind Solon'due south economic reforms are therefore equally questionable as his real motives for constitutional reform. Were the poor being forced to serve the needs of a changing economy, was the economy being reformed to serve the needs of the poor, or were Solon's policies the manifestation of a struggle taking place betwixt poorer citizens and the aristocrats?

Moral reform [edit]

In his poems, Solon portrays Athens equally being under threat from the unrestrained greed and arrogance of its citizens.^[99] Fifty-fifty the earth (Gaia), the mighty mother of the gods, had been enslaved.^[100] The visible symbol of this perversion of the natural and social order was a boundary marker called a horos, a wooden or rock colonnade indicating that a farmer was in debt or under contractual obligation to someone else, either a noble patron or a creditor.^[101] Up until Solon's time, land was the inalienable holding of a family or clan^[102] and it could not be sold or mortgaged. This was no disadvantage to a clan with large landholdings since it could always rent out farms in a sharecropping system. A family struggling on a small farm however could not use the farm equally security for a loan even if it endemic the farm. Instead the farmer would accept to offering himself and his family unit as security, providing some course of slave labour in lieu of repayment. Equally, a family might voluntarily pledge part of its farm income or labour to a powerful clan in render for its protection. Farmers subject to these sorts of arrangements were loosely known every bit hektemoroi ^[103] indicating that they either paid or kept a 6th of a farm's almanac yield.^{[104] [105] [106]} In the result of 'defalcation', or failure to honour the contract stipulated by the horoi, farmers and their families could in fact be sold into slavery.

This 6th century Athenian black-figure urn, in the British Museum, depicts the olive harvest. Many farmers, enslaved for debt, would take worked on large estates for their creditors.

Solon'due south reform of these injustices was later known and historic among Athenians as the Seisachtheia (shaking off of burdens).^{[107] [108]} As with all his reforms, there is considerable scholarly argue well-nigh its real significance. Many scholars are content to take the account given by the ancient sources, interpreting it as a cancellation of debts, while others interpret it as the abolition of a blazon of feudal relationship, and some prefer to explore new possibilities for estimation.^[5] The reforms included:

• annulment of all contracts symbolised by the horoi.^[109]
• prohibition on a debtor's person being used equally security for a loan, i.e., debt slavery.^{[107] [108]}
• release of all Athenians who had been enslaved.^[109]

The removal of the horoi clearly provided firsthand economical relief for the most oppressed grouping in Attica, and it also brought an immediate end to the enslavement of Athenians past their countrymen. Some Athenians had already been sold into slavery abroad and some had fled abroad to escape enslavement – Solon proudly records in poesy the return of this diaspora.^[110] Information technology has been cynically observed, nonetheless, that few of these unfortunates were likely to take been recovered.^[111] It has been observed also that the seisachtheia not only removed slavery and accumulated debt just may as well take removed the ordinary farmer'south but means of obtaining further credit.^[112]

The seisachtheia however was simply one set of reforms within a broader calendar of moral reformation. Other reforms included:

• the abolition of extravagant dowries.^[113]
• legislation confronting abuses within the system of inheritance, specifically with relation to the epikleros (i.e. a female person who had no brothers to inherit her father's property and who was traditionally required to marry her nearest paternal relative in order to produce an heir to her father'southward estate).^[114]
• entitlement of whatever citizen to take legal action on behalf of another.^{[115] [116]}
• the disenfranchisement of whatsoever citizen who might refuse to accept upward artillery in times of civil strife, and war, a mensurate that was intended to counteract unsafe levels of political apathy.^{[117] [118] [119] [120] [121]}

Demosthenes claimed that the city'south subsequent gilded age included "personal modesty and frugality" amid the Athenian aristocracy.^[122] Perhaps Solon, by both personal example and legislated reform, established a precedent for this decorum.^{[ citation needed ]} A heroic sense of borough duty later united Athenians confronting the might of the Persians.^{[ citation needed ]} Maybe this public spirit was instilled in them by Solon and his reforms.^{[ citation needed ]}

Aftermath of Solon's reforms [edit]

After completing his work of reform, Solon surrendered his extraordinary authority and left the country. According to Herodotus^[123] the state was bound by Solon to maintain his reforms for 10 years, whereas co-ordinate to Plutarch^[59] and the author of the Athenian Constitution ^[124] (reputedly Aristotle) the contracted period was instead 100 years. A modern scholar^[125] considers the time-span given past Herodotus to be historically accurate because information technology fits the x years that Solon was said to take been absent from the land.^[126] Inside four years of Solon's departure, the old social rifts re-appeared, but with some new complications. There were irregularities in the new governmental procedures, elected officials sometimes refused to stand down from their posts and occasionally of import posts were left vacant. It has even been said that some people blamed Solon for their troubles.^[127] Eventually one of Solon'due south relatives, Peisistratos, ended the factionalism by forcefulness, thus instituting an unconstitutionally gained tyranny. In Plutarch's business relationship, Solon accused Athenians of stupidity and cowardice for allowing this to happen.^[128]

Solon's verses have come down to us in fragmentary quotations past ancient authors such equally Plutarch and Demosthenes^[129] who used them to illustrate their own arguments. It is possible that some fragments have been wrongly attributed to him^[130] and some scholars have detected interpolations by later authors.^[131] He was also the starting time denizen of Athens to reference the goddess Athena (fr. 4.1–iv).^[132]

The literary merit of Solon's verse is generally considered unexceptional. Solon'southward poetry can be said to appear 'self-righteous' and 'pompous' at times^[133] and he once equanimous an elegy with moral advice for a more than gifted elegiac poet, Mimnermus. About of the extant verses show him writing in the role of a political activist determined to assert personal authority and leadership and they have been described by the German classicist Wilamowitz as a "verified harangue" (Eine Volksrede in Versen).^[134] According to Plutarch^[135] even so, Solon originally wrote verse for amusement, discussing pleasance in a pop rather than philosophical way. Solon's elegiac style is said to have been influenced by the instance of Tyrtaeus.^[136] He also wrote iambic and trochaic verses, according to one modern scholar,^[137] are more lively and direct than his elegies and possibly paved the way for the iambics of Athenian drama.

Solon's verses are mainly meaning for historical rather than artful reasons, as a personal tape of his reforms and attitudes. Withal, poetry is not an ideal genre for communicating facts and very footling detailed information can be derived from the surviving fragments.^[138] Co-ordinate to Solon the poet, Solon the reformer was a voice for political moderation in Athens at a time when his fellow citizens were increasingly polarized by social and economic differences:

πολλοὶ γὰρ πλουτεῦσι κακοί, ἀγαθοὶ δὲ πένονται: ἀλλ' ἡμεῖς αὐτοῖς οὐ διαμειψόμεθα τῆς ἀρετῆς τὸν πλοῦτον: ἐπεὶ τὸ μὲν ἔμπεδον αἰεί, χρήματα δ' ἀνθρώπων ἄλλοτε ἄλλος ἔχει.	Some wicked men are rich, some practiced are poor; We volition not modify our virtue for their store: Virtue's a thing that none tin can have away, But coin changes owners all the day.[ix]

Here translated past the English poet John Dryden, Solon's words define a 'moral high ground' where differences between rich and poor can be reconciled or maybe just ignored. His poetry indicates that he attempted to use his boggling legislative powers to institute a peaceful settlement between the country'due south rival factions:

ἔστην δ' ἀμφιβαλὼν κρατερὸν σάκος ἀμφοτέροισι: νικᾶν δ' οὐκ εἴασ' οὐδετέρους ἀδίκως.	Before them both, I held my shield of might And let not either touch on the other's right.[75]

His attempts apparently were misunderstood:

χαῦνα μὲν τότ' ἐφράσαντο, νῦν δέ μοι χολούμενοι λοξὸν ὀφθαλμοῖς ὁρῶσι πάντες ὥστε δήϊον.	Formerly they boasted of me vainly; with averted eyes Now they expect askance upon me; friends no more than but enemies.[139]

Solon gave voice to Athenian 'nationalism', particularly in the city state's struggle with Megara, its neighbor and rival in the Saronic Gulf. Plutarch professes adoration of Solon'south elegy urging Athenians to recapture the isle of Salamis from Megarian control.^[14] The same verse form was said past Diogenes Laërtius to accept stirred Athenians more than any other verses that Solon wrote:

Let united states go to Salamis to fight for the island
We desire, and drive away from our biting shame!^[140]

1 fragment describes contrasted breads and cakes:^[141]

They drinkable and some nibble dearest and sesame cakes (itria), others their bread, other gouroi mixed with lentils. In that place, non one cake was unavailable of all those that the black earth bears for homo beings, and all were present unstintingly.

The identify of abundance described in Solon's fragment about cakes is unknown. Some authors speculate that it may have been Persia based on comments from Herodotus that cake was the virtually significant role of a repast, i of the Greek city-states, or even a literary allusion to 'paradise'. Though Athenaeus is not able to identify the hours cake from Solon's poem, he describes it every bit a plakous indicating information technology was a type of 'flat cake'. Similar cakes are described by Philoxenus of Cythera.^[141]

Solon and Athenian sex activity [edit]

Every bit a regulator of Athenian society, Solon, according to some authors, also formalized its sexual mores. According to a surviving fragment from a work ("Brothers") by the comic playwright Philemon,^[142] Solon established publicly funded brothels at Athens in order to "democratize" the availability of sexual pleasance.^[143] While the veracity of this comic business relationship is open up to dubiousness, at least one mod author considers information technology significant that in Classical Athens, three hundred or then years after the death of Solon, there existed a discourse that associated his reforms with an increased availability of heterosexual contacts.^[144]

Ancient authors also say that Solon regulated pederastic relationships in Athens; this has been presented as an adaptation of custom to the new construction of the polis.^{[145] [146]} Co-ordinate to various authors, ancient lawgivers (and therefore Solon past implication) drew upwardly a set of laws that were intended to promote and safeguard the establishment of pederasty and to control abuses confronting freeborn boys. In particular, the orator Aeschines cites laws excluding slaves from wrestling halls and forbidding them to enter pederastic relationships with the sons of citizens.^[147] Accounts of Solon's laws by 4th century orators similar Aeschines, even so, are considered unreliable for a number of reasons;^{[8] [148] [149]}

Attic pleaders did not hesitate to attribute to him (Solon) any police force which suited their example, and later writers had no benchmark by which to distinguish earlier from later works. Nor tin can any complete and authentic collection of his statutes have survived for ancient scholars to consult.^[150]

Besides the alleged legislative aspect of Solon's involvement with pederasty, at that place were too suggestions of personal involvement. Ancient readers concluded, based on his own erotic verse, that Solon himself had a preference for boys.^[151] Co-ordinate to some ancient authors Solon had taken the future tyrant Pisistratus as his eromenos. Aristotle, writing around 330 BC, attempted to abnegate that belief, claiming that "those are patently talking nonsense who pretend that Solon was the lover of Pisistratus, for their ages exercise non admit of it," as Solon was nearly thirty years older than Pisistratus.^[152] Nevertheless, the tradition persisted. Four centuries later Plutarch ignored Aristotle's skepticism^[153] and recorded the post-obit chestnut, supplemented with his ain conjectures:

And they say Solon loved [Pisistratus]; and that is the reason, I suppose, that when afterward they differed about the government, their enmity never produced whatever hot and violent passion, they remembered their old kindnesses, and retained "Still in its embers living the strong burn" of their love and dear affection.^[154]

A century after Plutarch, Aelian also said that Pisistratus had been Solon's eromenos. Despite its persistence, however, information technology is not known whether the business relationship is historical or made. Information technology has been suggested that the tradition presenting a peaceful and happy coexistence betwixt Solon and Pisistratus was cultivated during the latter's dominion, in lodge to legitimize his own rule, likewise as that of his sons. Whatever its source, later generations lent credence to the narrative.^[155] Solon's presumed pederastic desire was thought in antiquity to take establish expression also in his poetry, which is today represented only in a few surviving fragments.^{[156] [157]} The authenticity of all the poetic fragments attributed to Solon is however uncertain – in particular, pederastic aphorisms ascribed by some ancient sources to Solon have been ascribed by other sources to Theognis instead.^[130]

Encounter as well [edit]

• Adultery in Classical Athens
• Draconian constitution
• Solonia is a monotypic genus of flowering plants belonging to the family Primulaceae, with only contains one species, Solonia reflexa Urb., it was named afterward Solon.^[158]

Notes [edit]

1. ^ "In all areas then it was the work of Solon which was decisive in establishing the foundations for the development of a full democracy."—Marylin B. Arthur, 'The Origins of the Western Attitude Toward Women', in: Women in the Ancient Earth: The Arethusa Papers, John Patrick Sullivan (ed.), State University of New York (1984), p. 30.
   "In making their own evaluation of Solon, the ancient sources concentrated on what were perceived to exist the democratic features of the constitution. Just...Solon was given his extraordinary commission by the nobles, who wanted him to eliminate the threat that the position of the nobles as a whole would be overthrown".— Stanton K. R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1990), p. 76.

References [edit]

1. ^ ^{a b} "Solon", Encyclopædia Britannica , retrieved 13 April 2019
2. ^ ^{a b} Aristotle Politics 1273b 35–1274a 21
3. ^ Stanton, G. R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1990), p. 76.
4. ^ Andrews, A. Greek Society (Penguin 1967) 197
5. ^ ^{a b} E. Harris, A New Solution to the Riddle of the Seisachtheia, in The Development of the Polis in Archaic Greece, eds. 50. Mitchell and P. Rhodes (Routledge 1997) 103
6. ^ Stanton G. R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1990), pp. 1–5.
7. ^ Philo Judaeus Alexandria "On the Laws I and II", Loeb Classical Library (1953)
8. ^ ^{a b} V. Ehrenberg, From Solon to Socrates: Greek History and Civilization, Routledge (1973) 71
9. ^ ^{a b} Plutarch Solon 1 s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#ane
10. ^ "Solon" in Magill, Frank Due north. (ed)., The Ancient World: Dictionary of World Biography (Salem Press/Routledge, 1998), p. 1057.
11. ^ Diogenes Laërtius, The Lives and Opinions of Famous Philosophers, Volume iii "Plato", chapter one.
12. ^ Plutarch Solon 1 due south:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#1.
13. ^ Plutarch, Life of Solon, ch. 2
14. ^ ^{a b} Plutarch Solon 8 s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#8
15. ^ Plutarch Solon nine due south:Lives/Solon#ix
16. ^ Plutarch Solon 9 s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#9
17. ^ Solon of Athens
18. ^ Plutarch Solon 15 s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#fifteen
19. ^ Herodotus, The Histories, Hdt. 1.29
20. ^ Herodotus, The Histories, Hdt. i.30
21. ^ ^{a b} Plutarch Solon 26 south:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#26
22. ^ Herodotus 1.30.
23. ^ Plutarch Solon 28 southward:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#28
24. ^ Plutarch Solon 32 s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#32
25. ^ Diogenes Laertius 1.62
26. ^ I. Chiliad. Linforth, Solon the Athenian, University of California Press (1919), p. 308, Google Books link
27. ^ Pausanias 10.24.one (east.g. Jones and Omerod trans. [i]).
28. ^ Stobaeus, III, 29, 58, taken from a lost work of Aelian.
29. ^ Ammianus Marcellinus 38.4
30. ^ Plutarch Solon 14 s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#14
31. ^ Plutarch Solon fourteen.iii s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#fourteen
32. ^ Athenaion Politeia 1.5 (east.g. Kenyon's translation south:Athenian Constitution#v)
33. ^ Stanton G.R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1990), p. 36.
34. ^ Hignett C. A History of the Athenian Constitution to the Finish of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford Academy Printing 1952).
35. ^ Miller, M. Arethusa 4 (1971) 25–47.
36. ^ ^{a b} Stanton G.R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1991), pp. 3–4.
37. ^ ^{a b} Walters, Grand.R., Geography and Kinship equally Political Infrastructures in Archaic Athens "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2007-10-13. Retrieved 2007-07-05 . {{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived re-create as title (link)
38. ^ Athenaion Politeia 2.ane–iii s:Athenian Constitution#2.
39. ^ Plutarch Solon xiii s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#xiii
40. ^ B. Sealey, "Regionalism in Archaic Athens," Historia 9 (1960) 155–180.
41. ^ D. Lewis, "Cleisthenes and Attica," Historia 12 (1963) 22–40.
42. ^ P. Rhodes, A Commentary on the Aristotelian Athenian Politeia, Oxford University Press (1981) 186.
43. ^ P. Rhodes, A History of the Greek City States, Berkeley (1976).
44. ^ ^{a b} Walters K.R. Geography and Kinship every bit Political Infrastructures in Archaic Athens "Archived copy". Archived from the original on 2007-10-13. Retrieved 2007-07-05 . {{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy equally title (link)
45. ^ Thucydides 2.fourteen–16.
46. ^ Andrews, A. Greek Society (Penguin 1967) 118.
47. ^ Stanton K.R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1991), pp. iii–4.
48. ^ Frost, "Tribal Politics and the Civic Country," AJAH (1976) 66–75.
49. ^ Connor, The New Politicians of 5th Century Athens, Princeton (1971) 11–14.
50. ^ Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, Cambridge Univ. Press (1925) 3:582–586.
51. ^ Ellis, J. and Stanton, G., Phoenix 22 (1968) 95–99.
52. ^ See, for example, J. Bintliff, "Solon's Reforms: an archeological perspective", in Solon of Athens: new historical and philological approaches, eds. J. Blok and A. Lardinois (Brill, Leiden 2006)[two], and other essays published with it.
53. ^ V. Ehrenberg, From Solon to Socrates: Greek History and Civilization, Routledge, London (1973), p. 71 f.
54. ^ Stanton, G. R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1990), p. 52.
55. ^ Stanton, Thou. R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1990), p. 26.
56. ^ Oxford Classical Lexicon (1964), s. 5. 'Draco'.
57. ^ Plutarch, Solon 17.
58. ^ Pausanias, Clarification of Greece, i.18.3.
59. ^ ^{a b} Plutarch, Solon 25.1.
60. ^ Andrews A. Greek Society, Penguin, London (1967), pp. 114, 201.
61. ^ Athenaion Politeia 3.half-dozen s:Athenian Constitution#3
62. ^ Athenaion Politeia 8.two.
63. ^ Athenaion Politeia vii.one, 55.5.
64. ^ Plutarch, Solon 25.3.
65. ^ Stanton, G. R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1991), p. 35, n. 2.
66. ^ ^{a b} Athenaion Politeia 7.3.
67. ^ Aristotle, Politics 1274a 3, 1274a 15.
68. ^ Ostwald M. From Popular Sovereignty to the Sovereignty of the Law: Law, Society and Politics in Fifth Century Athens, Berkeley (1986), pp. 9–12, 35.
69. ^ Stanton, G. R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1990), p. 67, n. ii.
70. ^ Hignett C. A History of the Athenian Constitution to the Stop of the Fifth Century B.C., Oxford University Press (1952), p. 117 f.
71. ^ Athenaion Politeia eight.iv.
72. ^ Plutarch, Solon 19.
73. ^ Hignett C. A History of the Athenian Constitution to the End of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford University Printing 1952) 92–96
74. ^ Stanton, G. R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1990), p. 72 north. 14.
75. ^ ^{a b} Plutarch, Solon xviii.
76. ^ Stanton, Thou. R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1990), p. 71, n. half-dozen.
77. ^ V. Ehrenberg, From Solon to Socrates: Greek History and Civilisation, Routledge, London (1973).
78. ^ Athenaion Politeia 7–viii.
79. ^ Oxford Classical Lexicon (3rd edition 1996), s. v. 'Solon'.
80. ^ Thucydides 2.14–xvi.
81. ^ Gallant T. Adventure and Survival in Ancient Greece, Stanford (1991), cited by Morris I. in The Growth of City States in the First Millennium BC, Stanford (2005), p. 7 (pdf online).
82. ^ Laurence R. Land Ship in Rural Italia, Parkins and Smith (1998), cited past Morris I. in The Growth of Metropolis States in the First Millennium BC, Stanford (2005).
83. ^ Morris I. The Growth of City States in the First Millennium BC, Stanford (2005), p. 12.
84. ^ Snodgrass A. Primitive Greece, London (1980), cited past Morris I. in The Growth of City States in the First Millennium BC, Stanford (2005), p. xi.
85. ^ Garnsey P. Famine and Nutrient Supply in Graeco-Roman World, Cambridge (1988), p. 104, cited past Morris I. in The Growth of Urban center States in the Outset Millennium BC, Stanford (2005).
86. ^ Plutarch, Solon 22.1.
87. ^ Plutarch, Solon 24.4.
88. ^ Plutarch, Solon 24.1.
89. ^ 5. Ehrenberg, From Solon to Socrates: Greek History and Civilization, Routledge (1973), p. 73 f.
90. ^ Stanton, G. R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1990), pp. 60–63.
91. ^ ^{a b} Athenaion Politeia x.
92. ^ Plutarch (quoting Androtion), Solon 15.2–5.
93. ^ Stanton, G. R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1990), p. 61, n. 4.
94. ^ Eberhard Ruschenbusch 1966, Solonos Nomoi (Solon's laws).
95. ^ Kroll, 1998, 2001, 2008.
96. ^ The Oxford Handbook of Greek and Roman Coinage past William Metcalf, p. 88.
97. ^ Stanton, G. R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1990), p. 76.
98. ^ Stanton, G. R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1991), p. 65, n. 1.
99. ^ Demosthenes 19 (On the Embassy), p. 254 f.
100. ^ Athenaion Politeia (quoting Solon) 12.four.
101. ^ Stanton, G. R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1991), pp. 55–56, n. 3 and 4.
102. ^ Innis, H. Empire and Communications, Rowman and Littlefield (2007), p. 91 f.
103. ^ Stanton, Thousand. R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1991), p. 38, north. 3.
104. ^ Stanton, Yard. R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, Routledge, London (1990), p. 35, north. 3.
105. ^ Kirk, Grand. Historia, Vol. 26 (1977), p. 369 f.
106. ^ Woodhouse, Due west. Solon the Liberator: A Study of the Agrarian Problem in Attika in the Seventh Century, Oxford Academy Press (1938).
107. ^ ^{a b} Athenaion Politeia 6
108. ^ ^{a b} Plutarch, Solon 15.two.
109. ^ ^{a b} Athenaion Politeia 12.iv, quoting Solon.
110. ^ Solon quoted in Athenaion Politeia 12.4.
111. ^ Forrest G. The Oxford History of the Classical World ed. Griffin J. and Murray O. (Oxford Academy Printing, 1995), p. 32.
112. ^ Stanton, Thou. R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook Routledge, London (1991), p. 57, n. ane.
113. ^ Plutarch, Solon 20.vi.
114. ^ Grant, Michael. The Rising of the Greeks, Charles Scribner's Sons, New York 1988, p. 49.
115. ^ Athenaion Politeia 9.
116. ^ Plutarch, Solon 18.six.
117. ^ Athenaion Politeia 8.5.
118. ^ Stanton, G. R. Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook Routledge, London (1991), p. 72, due north. 17.
119. ^ Plutarch, Solon 20.1.
120. ^ Goldstein J. Historia, Vol. 21 (1972), pp. 538–545.
121. ^ Develin R. Historia, Vol. 26 (1977), p. 507 f.
122. ^ Demosthenes, On Organization.
123. ^ Herodotus i.29 (e.chiliad. Campbell'south translation 2707).
124. ^ Athenaion Politeia 7.2.
125. ^ Stanton, 1000. R. Athenian Politics c. 800–55 BC: A Sourcebook Routledge, London (1991), p. 84.
126. ^ Plutarch, Solon 25.six.
127. ^ Athenaion Politeia xiii.
128. ^ Plutarch, Solon 30.
129. ^ Demosthenes xix (On the Embassy) 254–55
130. ^ ^{a b} Thou. Hubbard, Homosexuality in Greece and Rome: a sourcebook of basic documents, Uni. California Printing, 2003; p. 36
131. ^ A. Lardinois, Take we Solon'south verses? and E. Stehle, Solon'south self-reflexive political persona and its audition, in 'Solon of Athens: new historical and philological approaches', eds. J. Blok and A. Lardinois (Brill, Leiden 2006)
132. ^ Susan Deacy, Gods and Heroes of the Ancient Globe: Athena (2008) p. 77
133. ^ Forrest G., The Oxford History of the Classical Earth, ed. Boardman J., Griffin J. and Murray O., Oxford University Press (New York, 1995), p. 31
134. ^ Wilamowitz, Arist. u. Athen, ii 304, cited by Eduard Fraenkel, Horace, Oxford University Printing (1957), p. 38
135. ^ Plutarch Solon 3.1–4 s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#3
136. ^ Oxford Classical Dictionary (1964) Solon
137. ^ David. A. Campbell, Greek Lyric Verse, Bristol Classical Press 1982, Intro. xxix
138. ^ Andrews A. Greek Society (Penguin 1981) 114
139. ^ Plutarch Solon 16 s:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon#16
140. ^ Solon, quoted in Diogenes Laërtius 1.47
141. ^ ^{a b} Wilkins, John M. (2006). Food in the Ancient Globe . Blackwell. p. 128.
142. ^ Fr. 4
143. ^ Rachel Adams, David Savran, The Masculinity Studies Reader; Blackwell, 2002; p. 74
144. ^ I Hundred Years of Homosexuality: And Other Essays on Greek Love, p.101
145. ^ Bernard Sergent, "Paederasty and Political Life in Archaic Greek Cities" in Gay Studies from the French Civilisation; Harrington Park Printing, Binghamton, NY 1993; pp. 153–154
146. ^ Eros and Greek Athletics By Thomas Francis Scanlon, p.213 "So information technology is articulate that Solon was responsible for institutionalizing pederasty to some extent at Athens in the early on sixth century."
147. ^ Aeschines, Against Timarchus six, 25, 26 [three]; compare also Plutarch, Solon ane.iii.
148. ^ Kevin Robb, Literacy and Paideia in Ancient Greece, Ox. Uni. Press, 1994; p. 128,
149. ^ P. J. Rhodes, The Reforms and Laws of Solon: an Optimistic View, in 'Solon of Athens: new historical and philological approaches', eds. J. Blok and A. Lardinois (Brill, Leiden 2006)
150. ^ Kevin Robb, Literacy and Paideia in Aboriginal Greece, Ox. Uni. Press 1994; p. 128 (quoting F. Due east. Adcock)
151. ^ Marilyn Skinner (2013). Sexuality in Greek and Roman Culture (Ancient Cultures), 2d edition. Wiley-Blackwell. p. 139. ISBN978-ane-4443-4986-three.
152. ^ Aristotle, The Athenian Constitution, 2.17
153. ^ Homosexuality & Civilization By Louis Crompton, p. 25
154. ^ Plutarch, The Lives "Solon" Tr. John Dryden south:Lives (Dryden translation)/Solon
155. ^ Solon and Early Greek Poesy Past Elizabeth Irwin p. 272 north. 24
156. ^ Ancient Greece By Matthew Dillon, Lynda Garland, p. 475
157. ^ Nick Fisher, Against Timarchos, Oxford University Printing 2001, p. 37
158. ^ "Solonia Urb. | Plants of the World Online | Kew Science". Plants of the Earth Online . Retrieved 19 May 2021.

Bibliography [edit]

• A. Andrews, Greek Society, Penguin, 1967
• J. Blok and A. Lardinois (eds), Solon of Athens: New Historical and Philological Approaches, Leiden, Brill, 2006
• Buckley, T. Aspects of Greek History. London: Routledge, 1996.
• Cary, Cambridge Aboriginal History, Vol. Iii, Cambridge Uni. Press, 1925
• Connor, The New Politicians of Fifth-Century Athens, Princeton, 1971
• W. Connor et al. Aspects of Athenian Democracy, Copenhagen, Museum Tusculanam P., 1990
• R. Develin, Historia, Vol. 26, 1977
• Dillon, M and Fifty Garland. Aboriginal Greece: Social and Historical Documents from Archaic Times to the Death of Alexander the Corking. London: Routledge, 2010.
• 5. Ehrenberg, From Solon to Socrates: Greek History and Civilization, Routledge, 1973
• J. Ellis and G. Stanton, Phoenix, Vol. 22, 1968, 95–99
• West.R. Everdell, The Terminate of Kings: A History of Republics and Republicans, Chicago: University of Chicago Printing, 2000.
• G. Forrest, 'Greece: The History of the Archaic Menstruation', in The Oxford History of the Classical World, ed. Boardman J., Griffin J. and Murray O., Oxford University Printing, New York, 1995
• Frost, 'Tribal Politics and the Civic State', AJAH, 1976
• P. Garnsey, Famine and Food Supply in Graeco-Roman World, Cambridge Uni. Press, 1988
• J. Goldstein, Historia, Vol. 21, 1972
• M. Grant, The Ascent of the Greeks. New York: Charles Scribner'southward Sons, 1988
• East. Harris, 'A New Solution to the Riddle of the Seisachtheia', in The Development of the Polis in Primitive Hellenic republic, eds. 50. Mitchell and P. Rhodes, Routledge, 1997
• C. Hignett, A History of the Athenian Constitution to the End of the Fifth Century B.C., Oxford University Press, 1952
• K. Hubbard, Homosexuality in Hellenic republic and Rome: a sourcebook of basic documents, Uni. California Press, 2003
• H. Innis, Empire and Communications, Rowman and Littlefield, 2007
• Chiliad. Kirk, Historia, Vol. 26, 1977
• D. Lewis, 'Cleisthenes and Attica', Historia, 12, 1963
• Grand. Miller, Arethusa, Vol. iv, 1971
• I. Morris, The Growth of Urban center States in the Get-go Millennium BC, Stanford, 2005
• C. Mosse, 'Comment southward'elabore un mythe politique: Solon', Annales, ESC XXXIV, 1979
• Thousand. Ostwald, From Popular Sovereignty to the Sovereignty of the Law: Law, Order and Politics in Fifth-Century Athens, Berkeley, 1986
• P. Rhodes, A History of the Greek City States, Berkeley, 1976
• P. Rhodes, A Commentary on the Aristotelian Athenian Politeia, Oxford University Press, 1981
• K. Robb, Literacy and Paideia in Ancient Greece, Oxford Academy Press, 1994
• B. Sealey, 'Regionalism in Archaic Athens', Historia, nine, 1960
• Thou. R. Stanton, Athenian Politics c. 800–500 BC: A Sourcebook, London, Routledge, 1990
• M. L. West (ed.), Iambi et elegi Graeci ante Alexandrum cantati2: Callinus. Mimnermus. Semonides. Solon. Tyrtaeus. Minora adespota, Oxford University Printing: Clarendon Printing, 1972, revised edition, 1992
• W. Woodhouse, 'Solon the Liberator: A Study of the Agrarian Trouble', in Attika in the 7th Century, Oxford University Press, 1938

Collections of Solon'due south surviving verses [edit]

• Martin Litchfield West, Iambi et elegi Graeci dues Alexandrum cantati2 : Callinus. Mimnermus. Semonides. Solon. Tyrtaeus. Minora adespota,, Oxonii: e typographeo Clarendoniano 1972, revised edition 1992 x + 246 pp.
• T. Hudaon-Williams, Early on Greek Elegy: Ekegiac Fragments of Callinus, Archilochus, Mimmermus, Tyrtaeus, Solon, Xenophanes, and Others, # Taylor and Francis (1926), ISBN 0-8240-7773-3.
• H. Miltner Fragmente / Solon, Vienna (1955)
• Christoph Mülke, Solons politische Elegien und Iamben : (Fr. 1–13, 32–37 West), Munich (2002), ISBN 3-598-77726-4.
• Noussia-Fantuzzi, Maria, Solon the Athenian, the Poetic Fragments. Brill (2010).
• Eberhard Preime, Dichtungen : Sämtliche Fragmente / Solon Munich (1940).
• Eberhard Ruschenbusch Nomoi : Die Fragmente d. Solon. Gesetzeswerkes, Wiesbaden : F. Steiner (1966).
• Kathleen Freeman, The Piece of work and Life of Solon, with a translation of his poems, Cardiff, University of Wales Press Board 1926. OCLC 756460254

Further reading [edit]

• Hall, Jonathan. 2013. "The Rise of State Activity in the Primitive Age." In A Companion to Aboriginal Greek Government. Edited by Hans Beck, 9–21. Chichester, UK: Wiley-Blackwell.
• Lewis, John. 2006. Solon the Thinker: Political Idea in Archaic Athens. London: Duckworth.
• Owens, Ron. 2010. Solon of Athens: Poet, Philosopher, Soldier, Statesman. Brighton, UK: Sussex Bookish.
• Schubert, Charlotte. 2012. Solon. Tübingen, Federal republic of germany: Francke.
• Wallace, Robert W. 2009. "Charismatic Leaders." In A Companion to Archaic Hellenic republic. Edited past Kurt Raaflaub and Hans van Wees, 411–426. Malden, MA: Wiley-Blackwell.

External links [edit]

Wikiquote has quotations related to: Solon

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Solon.

• Works about Solon at Perseus Digital Library
• Plutarch, Parallel Lives, Solon
• Laërtius, Diogenes (1925). "The Seven Sages: Solon". Lives of the Eminent Philosophers. Vol. 1:1. Translated by Hicks, Robert Drew (Two volume ed.). Loeb Classical Library.
• Poems of Solon
• Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Solon". Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 25 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 366–368.

seventh and sixth-century BC Athenian statesman and lawgiver

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Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Solon

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